（原文）
CHINA BUREAU
THE NEW YORK HERALD
RUSSO-ASIATIC BANK BUILDING，
LEGATION STREET，
PEKING.
February 18， 1912.
My Dear Dr.Sun：
On this first day of the New Year—perhaps the last under the world-old calendar， my first note of greeting is to you and with it I send to you， and to China because of you， my sincere and hearty congratulations.Any mere note of congratulations will be but an additional one to the many you have received from all parts of the world， but I cannot help feeling that my sentiments have a special value because of my personal acquaintance with you and my keen interest in China and all that affects her for weal or for woe.
My congratulations do not run merely to the fact of your having been insured the place in Chinese history that goes with the first presidency of a republic in this land， but more particularly and especially upon the broad patriotism you have manifested in stepping aside to make way for another in the interests of an United China.In doing this you have not only disappointed your critics but have vastly strengthened the confidence of your friends and admirers in their estimates of your simon-pure patriotism.
You might easily retire from the scene with the laurels now resting upon your brow， your name forever enshrined in the hearts of your fellow-countrymen.But I sincerely trust you have no idea of permitting yourself to withdraw， for there is still a great work for you to do.It is just as well， under all the circumstances， to permit others to have active charge of the executive work of the present and immediate future， but that is really the least important part of the real work that must be done if the full fruits of the great victory achieved are to be retained by the people of China.
Of the great majority of those who have had a hand in actively promoting this victory， it is doubtless true that they are willing to rest content with having ousted the Manchus.The situation is not lacking in prophets who see in the changes to be wrought nothing more than “the same old wine in new bottles”， nor does it lack in officials and would be officials who would be perfectly content to see that condition， provided they themselves are permitted to be the ones to profit thereby.
I know you have a far deeper interest， however， as I myself have.A change in the form of China's government， or a change in the personnel of its officialdom， is valuable only in so far as it furnishes the means of securing to China what she really needs—good government.Your and I believe in a republican form of government based on the people because we believe that， in the long run， such a form of government insures the highest measure of good government.No system is perfect， and none can insure good results unless it is in the hands of good men.But as government is the business of the people， there is a better chance of the people securing the right sort of agents to transact their business when they themselves have a voice in the selection.
Those who do not believe a republican form of government possible in China are many.When we think only of the vast percentage of the country's population that does not concern itself at all in political or governmental affairs， the first inclination is to scout the idea of a real republic.Sometimes I myself have been among the doubters.But the more I study the situation， the more I become convinced that in the high intelligence of the masses of the Chinese and in the large experience they have had in managing their own local affairs， you have splendid bases upon which to construct a republican form of government that will last.Right at the outset the situation is one calling for strength in the central government， in order that the country may be rapidly relieved of the chaotic conditions now existing.But there is an even greater work to be done—the work of properly building for the future.
To my mind the crux of this problem is the making of the new constitution.Upon that depends the answer to the question whether China is to have a government in which the rights of the people are secured because the people themselves have direct hand in controlling the government， or is to drift to another monarchy in which good or bad government depends upon the chance of a good or bad monarch.
I am taking the liberty of dwelling on this phase of the situation at some length because I am strongly convinced that your own highest duty is to take hold of this business of constitution-making and see that the fruits of the republican victory are not frittered away.It is my judgment that the laurels that belong to George Washington find their highest warrant not in his military service， perhaps it is better to say—not in his military service alone， but in the great influence he exerted upon the Convention that made the Constitution of the United States， as president of that Convention.It is a phase of his public service not sufficiently dwelt on in any save the histories of the constitution.
It means much for China that the present upheaval should have brought to the fore new forces.There can， however， be no permanent good if the new forces permit themselves to be dragged back into the old channels， or drift into them willingly.You are the natural and recognized leader of these new forces.It would， I think， be a calamity for you to withdraw from the this leadership in so critical a period as that during which the true foundations for the future government are being constructed.I hope you may see your way to take hold personally of the work of constitution making.There are many young men educated abroad who are capable of being of great assistance， and many wise men of the old school (I use the expression in no uncomplimentary sense， for I have great respect for such men) whose knowledge of the people and whose wisdom will form a most valuable asset in a constitutional convention.It would be an easy enough matter to translate the American， the French or the Swiss constitutions—if that were all that is necessary.But manifestly the necessary thing is to make a constitution that， while insuring to the people the largest possible direct representation in the movement， will at the same time leave undisturbed the conditions of life of the people—will， in other words， be a constitution adapted to China.How to insure to the people such direct hold upon， and interest in， the government as will make them understand that it is their government and at the same time give that government sufficient power to make it effective—this is a problem calling for all the best brains and all the patriotism and all the statesmanship you have at your command.This matter of making a constitution is， under all the conditions， the great problem as it appears to one who is full of hope that the good resulting from this revolution may be permanent.I am sure you， as well as myself， hope for that.Feeling this， I am unloading my heart-thoughts upon you.
This country is full of“patriots”， young and old， whose patriotism stops with self.This is no news to you， for you will have discovered it for yourself.At the same time， there are many—even among those who have been identified with the old government—who are genuinely sincere in their desire for decent government and who are honestly patriotic.These men can be of great value to a leader who is himself inspired by the same sentiments.They should continue to have such a leader in the person of yourself.The forces of selfishness should not be permitted to drag them back into the old ruts.The hope of China lies in constructive work of these men in making the constitution and the parliamentary system under it， and in their constituting themselves a constant and ever-watchful censorate upon officialdom.
The task ahead is， to put it mildly，stupendous.I sincerely trust that you will not permit yourself to withdraw from leadership of this work at this critical juncture.I am convinced that it is in this work that your country needs you.To others may be left administrative duties， but the duty of leadership in this great work cannot， it seems to me， safely be entrusted to others.This is no reflection upon the capacity or ability or patriotism of those others who can be your very valuable lieutenants and aides， but the leadership belongs to you and the responsibilities going with it are yours.
I know you will pardon my writing you at this length.Even if you do not agree with me in my conclusions， you will understand the spirit that prompts my writing you.I feel as deep an interest in the constructive work here outlined as any of China's own sons can feel.The work so far done has been great， but its real value lies in its furnishing the opportunity for greater work.For what China needs is not only good government， but insurance that such government may be permanent.
I feel assured that you will exert all your influence to prevent the fruits of the victory toing lost in any measure through wreckage upon the shoals of“face” or individual ambitions.In a situation like this there is danger that the greater things may be lost sight of in a mad scramble for place on the part of individuals.It would be true of any country， and it is especially true of China where selfish individuals has in the past been the keynote of politics， and where“face” has so long loomed up as the consideration of first importance.We must， however， not lose sight of the fact that the leaven that has brought this great political upheaval is in reality very small in quantity and that the forces of reaction are strong.
Again I apologize for the length of this letter.And again I send to you my congratulations— though for the most part these go more to your country because of you.I trust the future's store of fate for you will be all good; and I remain，
Yours Very Sincerely，
J.K.Ohl
His Excellency SUN YAT-SEN，President，NANKING.
（译文）
1912年2月18日
尊敬的孙博士：
在这新年的首日，也许是旧时代的最后一日，我的第一封问候信是向您问好，并借此向您和中国致以诚挚、热烈的祝贺。尽管任何一个祝贺不过是您收到的来自世界各地的许多祝贺中再多了一份，但我仍觉得我的情感有着一种特别的价值，因我与您的私交，以及我对中国与一切和中国祸福攸关事务的强烈关切。
我祝贺您不仅因为您成为中国历史上首任共和国总统，更重要的是因为您为了一个统一的中国而让位，这表现出广泛的爱国主义精神。您这么做，不仅令批评者大失所望，更强化了您的朋友和崇拜者评价您纯粹真诚的爱国主义精神的自信。
荣耀的桂冠已经加冕，您或许很容易隐退，您的名字会永远为您的同胞所铭记。但我真心相信您不会允许您自己退出，因为还有一项伟大事业需要您来从事。无论如何，不妨让他人去积极主管目前和近期政府工作，这是真正工作中最无关紧要的事情，最重要的是要完全确保所取得的伟大胜利成就由中国人民掌握。
毫无疑问，对曾经为争取胜利而积极奋斗的大多数人而言，他们满足于驱除鞑虏。目前的局面下，只要他们自身被许诺有好处，许多有识之士明了未来的改变不过是“新瓶装旧酒”，更不乏官员和准官员也乐于看到这种情形。
我知道，您和我都有更深远的关注点。改变中国政府的形式，或者改变其官僚人事，只有在明确中国的真正需要——一个好政府——的时候才会有价值。您和我都信奉以人民为基础的共和形式的政府，因为我们相信，从长远看，这种政府形式可以确保最高水准的善治。没有任何政体是完美的，谁也不能保障好的结果，除非政府掌握在好人手中。但是，由于政府是民众之事业，如果人民在选举中有发言权，就有更好的机会去选出能代表其利益的代理人管理事务。
不少人不相信中国能够建立共和政府，当我们念及人口众多的国家人民从不关心自身的政治或国家大事，第一步需要了解什么是真正的共和。有时，我自己也持怀疑的态度。但随着对局势的深入研究，我愈加坚信中国人民拥有高度智慧，拥有管理他们自身地方事务的丰富经验，这是您建立持久的共和形式的政府的最佳基础。不错，起初形势需要加强中央集权，以确保国家尽快从当前混乱局面中恢复。但还有更重大的工作要做，即为未来奠定良好根基。
我认为，关键是要制定新的宪法，这将决定中国是要建立一个因为人民能够直接控制而保障人民利益的政府，还是政府的好坏取决于君主的好坏的另一种君主政体。
我如此大张旗鼓地渲染当前的局势，因为我确信，您的最高职责是制宪事业，确保共和国的胜利成果不会丧失。我断言，属于乔治·华盛顿的桂冠不是因为他的军事服务，更恰当地说，不仅仅因为他的军事贡献，而在于他作为制宪会议主席对美国宪法制定所施加的巨大影响。这是他对公务贡献的一个方面，除了宪法史，其他方面都没有充分表现。
对中国而言，极具意义的是，当前的动荡局面促使新生力量应运而生。但如果新生力量愿意被拖回老路或自甘走回头路，那不会有什么长久的益处。您天然是这些新生力量的公认领袖。我认为，在这种奠定新政府基础的关键时刻，您一旦退出领导地位，将注定是场灾难。我希望您有办法亲自主持宪法制定工作。现在有许多留学国外的年轻人，可给您提供巨大帮助。许多旧式学校出来的聪明能干之士（我用这种表述并无贬义，相反我非常尊重他们），其对人民的了解与才智在制宪大会中将是无价之宝。翻译美国、法国或者瑞士的宪法将很容易——如果这些是有必要的话。然而，很明显，必须制定一部适合中国国情的宪法，保证人民在政府享有最大程度的直接代表权，同时又不会打扰民众的日常生活。怎样让人民直接控制政府和关注政府，并认识到这是他们自己的政府，因而给予政府充分权力使其发挥应有绩效，这就需要一切听从您指示的有识之士、爱国者和政治家去解决问题。无论如何，最重要的是制定宪法，任何期冀永保这次革命成果的人都会这样认为。我相信您也和我一样不希望断送革命成果。因此，我把希望都寄托在您身上。
这个国家处处有“爱国者”，不论老少，只是他们的爱国主义仅限于自身。这对您来说不是新闻，您自己迟早也会发现这点。同时，又有很多真诚的爱国人士，哪怕在从前倾向旧政府的人当中，他们都盼望有一个好政府。对于一个同样爱国的领袖而言，这些人具有重大价值。他们应该继续拥有您这样的领袖，不应该让私欲把他们拉回到老路。中国的希望正在于他们的创造性工作，以制定宪法并依宪确立代议制，并使他们成为宪政体系的一部分对政府机构进行持续而严格的监督。
坦率说，摆在面前的任务十分艰巨。我深信您不会在此紧要时刻退出领袖地位。我确信在此项工作中，您的国家需要您。别人也许能承担行政职责，但对我而言，这项伟大事业的领袖责任不能归于他人。这不是说怀疑其他人的能力或爱国。他们能作为您很得力的部下和助手，只有您才能担当领袖以及随之而来的责任。
我知道您会原谅我写这么繁多的文字。即使不一定同意我的结论，您也会明白理解我给您写信的心意。 我对这里所描述的中国建设性工作的关注不亚于任何一个中华儿女。迄今为止所完成的工作是伟大的，但其真正价值还在于为伟大事业提供时机。因为中国需要的不仅是一个好政府，还需要有维持好政府的永久性保障。
我坚信，您会尽一切努力，防止胜利果实因某些人的面子或个人野心而被破坏。在现今局势下，有这样的危险，重大问题被忽视，某些个人疯狂地争权夺位。任何国家都是如此，对中国而言则尤其如此。自私的个人主义过去一直是政治的主流，“面子”总是必须考虑的头等要事。然而，我们必须不能忽视如下事实，促成这次政治变革的酵素还很微小，而反动势力却非常强大。
再次请您原谅我这封长信，并再次向您表达我由衷的祝贺，这大部分是因您而祝福您的祖国。祝您好运!
J.K.奥尔 谨呈
致总统孙逸仙阁下，南京。