尼古拉斯·罗素(Nicholas Russel)致宋蔼龄函 (1913年2月15日)

(原文)

Dr.N.RUSSEL,P.O.BOX 178,ZAMBOANGA MINDANAD,PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.

Feb.15-1913

My dear Miss Soong,

Your letter of Jan.27 covers so much ground and involves questions of such magnitude that I can touch every part or it but briefly without dwelling on reasons and explanations.

Yourself and myself are looking at the situation from different points of view and therefore it presents to us with different aspects.No wonder:as you see from the enclosed photo, we greatly differ in age.We differ in sex, race and nationality.There is but one thing that unites us:cosmopolitan culture,education and perhaps our belonging to the same “bohemian” class.This one thing is however worth more than all the rest taken together.To free Russia is too great a problem for anybody.In America we do not take much stock with the whimpering people who complain against their oppressor and cannot free themselves.Everybody must free himself or else he is not ripe for freedom.Furthermore in international relations less than in any others sentimental reasons can be accepted for guidance.Enough to follow our interests not very narrowly understood.If men, anxious to rescue the world and liberate humanity, would begin by rescuing themselves how much would they contribute towards the rescue of the world and the emancipation of humanity.

We greatly appreciate the feelings of international solidarity expressed in your letter, but the scheme contemplated is impossible.An offensive war in the part of China would result disastrously for the very cause of Russian emancipation.China must keep in the defensive, but hold with firmness befitting a great nation to the position once assumed.The rights and interests of China in Mongolia must be defined with precision, and no compromises or concessions beyond those limits.Should Russian bureaucracy once more fall into the fit of swell-headedness, as in 1905 with Japan, which will be a chance for the Russia people, let them take the aggressive and pass the Mongolian frontiers.Be prepared to meet them in Mongolia and give them as good looking as you can.As I wrote you already they are bluffing, and will change their policy when they see that you are not afraid of war.

But there is something to be done before it comes to such an issue.Their influence in Mongolia is the result of your own wrong policy there.You behave yourself there as conquerors, whereas now, after your revolution you are only federated parts of the same body politic.Remodel quick your relations.Place Mongolia, Thibet and every other province in the sane relations to the center as Canada, Australia, New Zealand are to England.Give them the maximum possible of self government, retaining for the central authority only such prerogatives as are absolutely indispensable for the unity of China.Here again you labor under a great misconception, which may ruin your whole cause:your provinces are too big units for the federation.Reduce the size of the federating units to about one million population only.That will make your parliament composed of about 400 representatives from 400 small sovereign states.Something like Swiss cantons.Thereby you will abolish ethnographical, religious, linguistic and other outlived lines of divisions and adopt but one-territorial.You will ignore “Mongolia” for instance, and will deal with so many sovereign Mongolian republics.The sooner you effect these reforms, the quicker you will take the ground from under the feet of Russia in Mongolia and England in Thibet.You will remove all grounds for local discontent and disarm combinations enemical to China local, provincial, nationalistic already existing.You will divide and scatter them.They will spend their energies in mutual encounters inoffensive to China.

The mere fact of the existence of republican and democratic institutions in China is the guaranty of the coming freedom for Russia.If you only succeed in keeping it up long enough to persuade everybody that it came to stay,Russia cannot remain long behind.The first gale, the first international conflict will effect the reconstruction.Keep it up, keep it up.Not only for your own sake but for the sake of the emancipation of the whole of humanity, for the sake of common culture and civilization.From all the conquests of human progress in modern times your revolution, if successful, is the greatest.

After all I have said, it will be clear to you that no answers to your specific questions are necessary.Suffice it to any that all Russian people, in Siberia more than elsewhere, is animated with the spirit of profound discontent with the existing conditions.Were it not for the colossal police organization and enormous sums spent by the govt.for detective work, Russia would have been a republic long ago.In this respect the conditions in Russia are so vastly different from those that obtained in China before the revolution, that alone they are sufficient to explain the Russian failure.

I have not received as yet the answer from my American and European friends in regard to your desire to enter into direct communication with them.Will advice you as soon as I learn from them.We would be delighted to hear of a conflict in Mongolia, since that would enable us with your assistance to organize a private attack on the neighbouring Siberian prisons.Your Chunchuses might help us.

But that is a very secondary affair.

When Russian Army concentrated on Mongolia frontier will mutiny and refuse to attack you, we will muster them into the nucleus of a revolutionary army that will march to Irkutsk and Moscow.

Will be glad to hear from you again.

Yours sincerely,

Dr.Nicholas Russel

P.S.Under a separate envelope I address you a few pamphlets and short essays on democracy that I wrote for Russians in 1905-1906, perhaps you may find some one willing to translate some of them for your democratic propaganda among the Chinese masses.They are as good for China as for Russia.

I inclose in the same envelop also a few copies of a photograph of our heroes, lady prisoners near in Akatui, central prison, Siberia.That may be of same interest to your women revolutionists.

(译文)

尼古拉斯·罗素博士,

菲律宾群岛棉兰三宝颜市邮政信箱178号。

1913年2月15日

尊敬的宋小姐:

你1月27日的信涉及面很广,还涉及若干重大问题。我只能大致谈谈其中一部分,不能详细叙及原因或加以解释。

你和我是从不同的角度看问题,因此它向我们展示的是其不同的侧面。这也难怪,如你在随寄照片中所见,我们在年纪上大不相同,我们的性别、种族、民族都不同。只有一件事将我们联结起来:世界性文化、教育,及我们或许同属“放荡不羁的艺术家”这一类人。这一点比其他东西加起来更有价值。

解放俄罗斯对任何人而言都是一个太过巨大的问題。在美国,我们不太重视那些只会抱怨被压迫而不能解放自己的啜泣者。每个人须自己解放自己,否则他不能成熟到拥有自由。而且,在国际关系中比其他领域更少地能用感情方面的理由来指导行动。我们的志趣不被狭隘地理解就足够了。如果人们急于解救世界,解放人类,应该从解放自己开始。无论他们对解救世界和解放人类贡献多大。

我们非常欣赏你在信中表示出来的国际主义的团结,但构思的计划不可能。中国一方的一场进攻性战争将给俄国的解放事业带来重大灾堆。中国必须保持防御态势,但坚定地坚持一贯的大国立场。中国在蒙古的权益必须精确地界定,超出界线的要求绝不妥协或让步。假如俄国当局再度陷入盲目自大的状态,好像1905年对日本一样,这对于俄国人民是一种机会,让他们进攻,穿过蒙古边界。准备好与他们在蒙古相遇,给他们一个教训。如我已写信给你讲的,他们在虚张声势,当他们看见你并不怕战争时是会改变态度的。

但在发展到这样一个结果之前还有一些事可做。他们在蒙古的影响是你们对那里采取错误政策的结果。你们在那儿做得如同征服者,而现在,你们革命之后,你们只是同一政治实体中的联盟的部分。应尽快重塑你们的关系,如同中央政府对待其他省份一样对待蒙古、西藏,如同加拿大、澳大利亚、新西兰与英国的关系。应给他们最大限度的自治权,只保留中央权威,诸如为中国统一所绝对必须的特权。除此,你们在一个极其错误的观念下行事,这或许会毁掉你们整个事业:你们的省份对联邦而言太大了。将每个联合单位的规模减少到100万人口左右。这将使你们的议会由来自400个小的独立王国的约400个代表组成,有些类似瑞士的州。如此,你们将革除人种的、宗教的、语言的和其他的更久远的隔阂,只采取一种领土的界限。例如,你们要忽视“蒙古”,要将其弄成许多小的有主权的蒙古共和国。你们越快实行这种改革,你们将越快拿回俄国、英国势力范围的蒙古、西藏。你们要消除地方不满的所有理由,解除所有中国现存的地方、省和民族主义的敌对武装,把他们分开驱散。他们将把精力用于对中国无害的相互间的战争。

民主共和制度存在于中国的事实,是俄国即将到来的自由的保证。如果你们能够成功地保持它以说服每个人它将会持久下去,俄国不能保持落后太久。第一场飓风、第一场国际间的冲突将带来重构。继续下去,不要松劲。不只是为了你们自己,也是为了整个人类的解放,为了共同的文化和文明。从现代对人类进步的所有征服来看,你们的革命(如果成功)是最伟大的。

说了那么多,你会很清楚,你的具体问题不需要任何答案。只要说所有的俄国人,尤其是西伯利亚人,对现有生存条件的强烈的不满情绪正在白热化就够了。如果不是庞大的警察机构和政府花费巨额资金于侦探,俄国早该是一个共和国。从某种意义上说,俄国的情况与革命前中国的情况有很大不同。这足以解释俄国的失败。

关于你想与我在美国和欧洲的朋友们直接联系的事,我还没有收到他们的回信。我收到信时会尽快告诉你。得悉在蒙古的一场冲突,我们很高兴,之后,在你的支持下我们对邻近的西伯利亚监狱组织了一次秘密袭击。你们的红胡子或许会帮助我们。但那是一件非常次要的事了。

当集中在蒙古边境的俄囯军队造反,拒绝进攻你们,我们将召集他们构成一个革命军队的核心进攻伊尔库茨克和莫斯科。

极乐意再收到你的信。

尼古拉斯·罗素 谨志

又及:在一个单独的信封里,我寄给你一些小册子和几篇关于民主的短文,是我在1905年至1906年为俄国人写的。或者你能找到人愿翻译其中的部分作为你们在中国民众中的民主宣传。这些对中国人来说与俄国人一样合适。

在同一信封中,我还随信附上一些我们的英雄、现在西伯利亚的阿卡忒中心监狱的女囚犯们的照片。你们的女革命家或许对此有兴趣。